Opinion: On The Need to Fortify Pathways to Public Office

Political dynasties are a serious problem, and a majority of Filipinos want them regulated. Accordingly, President Bongbong Marcos issued a directive to Congress to prioritize the legislation of an anti-dynasty law before his next SONA in July. But it is also very clear that civil society is flexing its power to drive the enactment of this law.

Yet a stubborn question remains. If many Filipinos believe political dynasties are truly harmful, why do they keep electing dynastic candidates?

One explanation is loyalty born of long-standing patronage. Most dynastic families command deep emotional attachment from their supporters through years of material benefits (ayuda). Add regional identity politics and grievance narratives to the mix, and the concoction will produce something close to a cult mentality.

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But this explanation is incomplete. The more structural reason is far more troubling. In most elections, voters do not actually have a meaningful choice. Many contests are reduced to Dynasty A versus Dynasty B versus Dynasty C. Voters have learned to cope by choosing what they perceive as the "lesser evil." This is no longer rational consent. It is pure resignation.

Even worse, there is a growing number of races where only one dynasty fields a candidate. In these cases, voters are stripped of agency altogether. Elections become empty rituals rather than real contests. Turnout may still be high, but real choice is absent.

This is how democratic decay looks in practice.

Crucially, evidence suggests that in contests where a credible non-dynastic candidate runs against a dynastic opponent, the non-dynastic candidate wins. Just look at the 2025 midterm elections. They reveal that Filipinos are not instinctively pro-dynasty. They are simply trapped in a system that rarely offers them anything else. But if they had a true choice, they know the right candidate to vote for.

The answer lies in blocked pathways to public office. Political dynasties have systematically captured the routes through which new leaders are supposed to emerge. Student politics is often the first exposure to leadership and public service, but only a fraction of student leaders ever move into formal politics. Most pursue other careers, in part because the next steps are already closed off.

For years, the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) was used by dynasties as a grooming ground for their children. Fortunately, that has begun to change. The reformed SK law now limits dynastic participation, and early signs suggest that it has opened space for non-dynastic youth leaders. Interest is growing, though more research is needed to measure long-term impact.

Barangay Assemblies are another underused entry point. In principle, this local governance mechanism is a space where community leadership can be nurtured. In practice, they are rarely treated as incubators for future public servants. What a missed opportunity for Filipinos without political pedigree. This pathway has also been hijacked by political dynasties.

Then, there is the party-list system, a constitutional design to create a path for non-traditional political actors to enter Congress. Yet it, too, has been captured by dynastic interests. Still, the 2025 elections again showed a glimmer of hope. A few genuine sectoral groups managed to break through, suggesting that with better organization and smarter campaigns, the system can still be reclaimed.

The deepest problem, however, is the absence of real political parties. Our parties are largely hollow shells, activated only during elections and controlled by dynastic patrons. In functioning democracies, political parties serve as training grounds, where aspiring leaders develop skills, rise through ranks, and are tested before holding office. Here, that ladder barely exists.

Now this is why enacting an anti-dynasty law is so important.

The 1987 Constitution commands its passage in Article II, Section 26: "The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law." The fact that it is a constitutional directive is often glossed over in public discourse. It must not be ignored any longer.

But bear in mind that the purpose of prohibiting dynasties is to "guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service." Enacting the law is important because we want to free up the electoral space, which is currently dominated by dynastic politicians. By allowing only one member per family to run for office, electoral competition becomes fairer and more democratic.

Simply put, we want to make the right of suffrage meaningful again. We all want to exercise true freedom of choice when electing our political leaders. After all we are a population of 115 million and certainly such a deep pool can offer candidates of superior quality than the current crop of dynastic politicians.

Hopefully, however, we do not forget that passing an anti-dynasty law will not magically produce good leaders. It will definitely create a leadership vacuum. When dynasties are limited, positions will open up. Civil society must be ready to fill them. Though admittedly, this task will be difficult considering the decades of suppression under the domination of political dynasties.

Pertinently, the anti-dynasty law will also not totally eliminate dynastic politics. Traditional political clans will still be active in electoral competition and will still try to wield influence in politics and governance. The cult of personality built through the years will not be quickly replaced by a regime of critical thinking. Civil society will need to confront this reality as well.

Clearly, we really need to be grooming suitable replacements now. This task cannot be postponed to another day. The heightened disgust for political dynasties and the unravelling of the pork barrel cartel might have inspired some of our Gen Z and millennial compatriots to run for public office. It is incumbent on civil society to help them make a strong run for office.

We want the anti-dynasty law enacted because we need legislators who understand policy and governance and who are genuine problem-solvers. We need local officials who are real community leaders, capable of mobilizing citizens and building collective action. And eventually, we need presidents and vice presidents who actually and demonstrably possess these qualities.

Therefore, diminishing dynastic domination must also come with revitalizing the SK, the Barangay Assembly, and the party-list system. And genuine political parties must emerge to finally elevate politics and governance. Indeed, we must forever remember that robust pathways to public office is the best way to guarantee the selection of political leaders who will champion only the public interest.

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