Opinion: What 'Filipinos Deserve Better' Must Mean

A lawyer and constitutionalist says it's high time for a new set of leaders.
ILLUSTRATION: Igi Talao

The political status quo has become utterly untenable. People are tired of the same names, the same broken promises, the same lies. Many Filipinos are clamouring for a reset. The rot and vile in government are just too much to bear. Gen Z and Millennials say “we deserve better” because, frankly they do. We all do. But simply saying it will not rid of the rottenness and vileness afflicting the country. For as long as political dynasties dominate politics and governance, Filipinos will always live under the yoke of graft and corruption.

Indeed, we must accept that better political leadership will not simply fall into our laps. It will not come from just exhorting politicians to grow a conscience. It will not come from prayers, no matter how fervent, that hardened malevolent operators in public office will somehow discover empathy and begin serving the common good. Hoping for politicians to reform themselves is like waiting for a crocodile to turn vegetarian. Dynastic politicians are inherently averse to the public interest. Once in office, their only goal is to stay in power and that usually means plundering the public coffers.

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Pertinently, the current crop of leaders did not grab power in the dead of night. They were duly elected. They were voted into office in generally open and honest elections. That means the key to change lies not in the miracle of their personal transformation but in the deliberate choices of voters. If voters want change, then new political leaders must emerge. But the replacements must come from our communities—people who can speak with credibility about the dire cost of living because they too have carried these burdens. Simply put, the electorate must stop giving political power to “nepo babies."

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If Filipinos want new leaders, then the people themselves must participate in their production. Communities can and should draft their own mobilization plans, bringing more citizens into the conversation, building consensus on the values and vision they want their leaders to embody. This means reaching out to civil society organizations from media and the academe that already have years of experience in consolidating policy ideas and legislative advocacy. This is precisely the collaboration that can produce political leaders who can challenge dynastic incumbents.

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In fact, media organizations like the Philippine Press Institute and the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility should be taking the lead here. They are uniquely positioned to convene conversations, amplify reformist voices, and connect communities across regions. By organizing townhall meetings in the provinces, media can bridge the gap between citizens, academics, journalists, and local officials. These gatherings need not be elaborate productions; even austere forums can serve as meaningful platforms for dialogue. What matters is creating an atmosphere conducive to candid deliberation about public affairs.

Additionally, if genuine political groups want to depose "tradpols," then they must start building their constituencies today. Not on the eve of the campaign period, when dynasties are already blanketing barangays with cash and promises. At this late in the game, they will just be drummed out by the noisy jingles and disinformation operations. They must start organizing community assemblies now to present a coherent program of government and a clear legislative agenda. They must demonstrate as early as yesterday, through visibility and consistency, that a credible alternative is not only possible but already taking shape.

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To be very blunt: we cannot rely on the current political elite to fix the broken system for they are its greatest beneficiaries. Expecting dynastic lawmakers to pass laws that can improve politics and governance in the country is pure fantasy. The undeniable truth is that dynastic politicians will not act against their self-interest. Their only objective once in office is to consolidate political and economic power. And we already know from personal experience that they will do anything and everything to enrich themselves crazy and cement their political empire.

Yet another absolute truth is that it falls on voters to change the untenable status quo. The 1987 Constitution empowers us to exact accountability from our elected officials. And it cannot be emphasized enough that the public expression of grievances and anger is profoundly important. Demonstrating collective rage can be a powerful warning to political elites. It can also deepen solidarity amongst citizens. But only voters can achieve the reforms we are clamouring for. Filipinos, especially Gen Z and Millennial voters, must channel their strong desire for a reset towards formal electoral politics.

The reality is systemic reform can only be done by Congress. Even the advocates for genuine charter change will have to reckon with this fact. Even those who vigorously advance the total overhaul of the electoral system will have to accept this truism. RevGov, military junta, or any of its variants are, obviously, inconceivable. Therefore, for as long as the legislature is captured by families who legislate for themselves, our politics and governance will remain dysfunctional and oppressive.

That is why saying “we deserve better” cannot just be a lament. It must be a commitment. And again, we know from personal experience that joining protest rallies like the Trillion Peso March does not satisfy this pledge. Deserving better must mean reclaiming Congress seat by seat. Democracy is about producing leaders we deserve. If we continue to abdicate that responsibility, then we will get exactly what we have now: dynasties entrenched, corruption normalized, and the rot and vile recycled every three years. As the young ones would say, “Dasurv!”

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Michael Henry Ll. Yusingco is expert on the 1987 Contistition,  a law lecturer, and a senior research fellow of the Ateneo Policy Center, including the Institute for Autonomy and Governance. He has written several papers and policy briefs on charter change, decentralization, and federalism. The lawyer is also a frequent op-ed author for local news organizations. He had served as a consultant to the office of former Senate Minority Floor Leader Koko Pimentel.

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About The Author
Michael Henry Ll. Yusingco
Michael Henry Ll. Yusingco is a constitutionalist, law lecturer, and a senior research fellow of the Ateneo Policy Center.
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